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Thank you to Lupe William for sending this note to OHIO HISPANO-FORO

Imagen del "I Encuentro del Foro de São Paulo en EE.UU - San Francisco"

Bogotá, 10 de noviembre.- La Unión de Organizaciones Democráticas de América, UnoAmérica, advierte a las instituciones estadounidenses y a la comunidad internacional que el Foro de Sao Paulo (FSP) ya comenzó un proceso de expansión dentro de los propios Estados Unidos.

El próximo domingo 15 de noviembre, se llevará a cabo el Primer Encuentro del Foro de Sao Paulo en los Estados Unidos. El Encuentro se realizará en el Hotel Whitcomb, ubicado en 1231 Market Street, de San Francisco, desde las 9 de la mañana hasta las 6 de la tarde.

Según lo pautado en el último encuentro del FSP, realizado en Ciudad de México, esa organización decidió “establecer vínculos e iniciar relaciones con partidos políticos y organizaciones del movimiento social de los Estados Unidos”. Según lo que revelan   sus documentos, el FSP escogió “el Área de la Bahía de San Francisco por su trayectoria progresista y por su significancia política.”

Para disfrazar sus intenciones, los organizadores del evento presentan al público norteamericano una versión rosa sobre lo que es el Foro de Sao Paulo, omitiendo deliberadamente que dentro de sus integrantes se encuentran las FARC, la organización narcoterrorista colombiana que más cocaína ha traficado hacia los Estados Unidos.

Es de vital importancia para seguridad y defensa del hemisferio occidental que las instituciones norteamericanas conozcan la amenaza que significa el Foro de Sao Paulo, y que estudien los alcances de esa organización. Para tal fin, UnoAmérica pone a la disposición -en inglés- el libro The Foro de São Paulo. A Threat to Freedom in Latin America.

Promueve la diversidad dentro de nuestra propia comunidad hispana en cualquier lugar de EE.UU. / Promote diversity even among our own Hispanic Community anywhere in the USA.

Posts: 663
Reply with quote  #2 
More information on the

"Foro de São Paulo"

Foro de São Paulo (FSP) (English: São Paulo Forum) is a conference of nationalist and socialist political parties and social movements in Latin America and the Caribbean. It was launched by the Workers' Party (Portuguese: Partido dos Trabalhadores - PT) of Brazil in 1990 in the city of São Paulo.

The Forum of São Paulo was constituted in 1990 when the Brazilian Workers' Party approached other parties and social movements of Latin America and the Caribbean with the objective of debating the new international scenario after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the consequences of the implementation of neoliberal policies by governments in the region, the avowedly main objective of the conference being to argue for a popular and democratic alternative to neoliberalism[1].

The first meeting, held in São Paulo, on July 1990, was attended by members of 48 parties and organizations from Latin American and the Caribbean. The original name given to the meeting was Meeting of Left and Anti-imperialist Parties and Organizations of Latin America (Portuguese: Encontro de Partidos e Organizações de Esquerda e Antiimperialistas da América Latina). In 1991, in Mexico City, the meeting started being called, alternatively, Foro de São Paulo, in reference to the location of the first meeting[2]. The following meetings were held in Managua (1992), Havana (1993), Montevideo (1995), San Salvador (1996), Porto Alegre (1997), Mexico City (1998), Manágua (2000), Havana (2001), Antigua Guatemala (2002), Quito (2003), São Paulo (2005), San Salvador (2007), Montevideo (2008), and Mexico City (2009).

The Foro's chief authority is its meeting itself; between meetings, the Foro is represented by an Executive Group (Grupo de Trabalho) composed of a sample of its overall membership, that usually meets thrice a year, as well as by an Executive Secretariat (Secretariado Executivo)[3].



Political stands

According to FSP, more than 100 parties and political organizations participate in its conferences today. Their political positions vary across a wide spectrum, which includes: social-democratic parties, left-wing grass-roots labor and social movements inspired by the Catholic Church, ethnic and environmentalist groups, anti-imperialist and nationalist organizations, communist parties, and armed guerrilla forces. The latter, however, is true only so far as one is willingly to think of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia as an actual member of the FSP, when actually the FARC, although never formally banned from the Forum, have been barred from participating of its meetings as early as 2005, when they were refused admittance to this year's meeting of the FSP in São Paulo[4].

These groups differ on a range of topics which go from the use of armed force in revolutions to the support of representative democracy. The Cuban Communist Party, for example, has adopted a single-party system for decades, while Brazil's Workers' Party (PT) supports and participates in a multiparty system. These differences grant special relevance to FSP's final declarations, released at the end of each conference, which state the collective position of its members.

Ever since FSP's first meeting (1990), the Declaration which was approved expressed the participants' "willingness to renew leftist and socialist thought, to reaffirm its emancipating character, to correct mistaken conceptions, and to overcome all expressions of bureaucratism and all absence of true social and massive democracy."

The first Declaration manifests "an active compromise with the validity of human rights, of democracy and of popular sovereignty as strategic values, which place the constant challenge of leftist, socialist and progressive forces renewing their thoughts and actions."

At the second conference (Mexico, 1991), FSP expanded its objectives to add the proposal of working toward Latin American integration, an interchange of experiences, the discussion of the political left's differences and searching for consensus in action. The following conferences reinstate the participants' willingness to exchange experiences and develop a dialogue, while at the regional and continental level FSP's influence grows, with some of its members achieving electoral success and their candidates reaching the presidency of many countries.

During the early 1990s, the FSP was seem by some as expressing the emergence of a new Latin American leftist paradigm: non- authoritarian, de-militarized and grassroots-friendly[5]. As others have noted, however, there is a marked contradiction between the fiery and quasi-revolutionary rethoric about "socialism of the XXIst Century" indulged in sometimes by many FSP's leaders, and the plain fact that the positions of power held by such leaders depend, on most cases, on their holding positions in governments which have emerged through the electoral road[6]. In a statement made in 2008 in Lima, before a gathering of Peruvian businessmen, however, Brazil's President Lula would declare, approvingly, that the FSP had "educated" the Left in the understanding of the existence of possibilities of running for elections and gaining power through the democratic way - - a declaration that prompted a comment from the Rede Globo site to the effect that the hallmark of FSP's activities had been its "very moderate" character[7].

During the fifth meeting (Montevideo, 1995) a dispute arose about the attendance of the Movimiento Bolivia Libre, which was charged, in a motion presented by ten parties, led by Argentina's Partido Obrero, of support to the repressive actions of the neoliberal government of Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada in Bolivia. The refusal of the motion by the Foro's plenum led to the permanent withdrawal of Partido Obrero from the meeting. Partido Obrero had already declared itself in opposition to the Foro's positions, having previously made public a note in which it protested against the change in the official name of the organization, as " offering evidence of putting, in the place of actual making of common policies, a kind of purely academic workshop, [a sure sign] of conscious depoliticization leading eventually to the cover-up of rightist policies"[8].

During the XIIth. meeting in El Salvador, it was resolved that the Foro should organize a number of subordinate organizations and facilities: an electronic bulletin on the Net, a politic-cultural festival, an electoral observatory and a cadre school[9].

In the final declaration of the FSP's XIVth meeting in Montevideo, there is a reinstatement and updating of the Foro's goals: to aid "the progressive forces in the continent who are in power and strive in various ways to build projects which - according to each country's particular characteristics - allow them to face the main problems generated by neoliberalism"[10] - something which added to the statemente made at the same time by Belela Herrera, International Relations chargé of the Uruguayan Broad Front, that issues like ecology, exclusion, racism and xenophobia had added themselves inseparably to the Left's traditional agenda [11]. The XIVth. meeting also debated the ongoing Colombian armed conflict, which prompted a declaration by the International Relations Secretary of the Brazilian Workers' Party,Valter Pomar, who exposed what in his view was the Foro's general stance towards the current Colombian situation: "In Colombia we have a military confrontation that has been going on for decades, having as its players the [Colombian] State, as well as the paramilitary and insurgent forces. The Foro is interested in achieving peace and in having a negotiated process towards reaching this goal"[12].

In the XVth. meeting , which opened on August 20th. 2009 in Mexico City, the Foro was expected to concentrate discussion on the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis as well as engaging in efforts to the restoration of the deposed Honduran president Manuel Zelaya[13]. The Vice president of the Mexican Senate, Yeidckol Polenvsky, has invited the Honduran MP Silvia Ayala, as a member of the Democratic Unification Party and leader of the manifestations in support of Zelaya held in San Pedro Sula, to attend the meeting[14] - something that attracted the fury of the pro- current government Honduran press[15].

The ongoing meeting in Mexico will also be the first to organize a parallel youth meeting, where member parties will discuss the impact of the global economic crisis on Latin American youth and the responses that could be offered to it[16].


In Government

Map showing Sao Paulo Members:      currently in government      as main opposition parties

The following countries are currently being governed by leaders and member parties of the Foro de São Paulo:

As Main Opposition

The following countries had members of the Foro de São Paulo as the main opposition parties in their parliaments and/or were the second electoral force in the past elections:

Aligned governments

The following center-left parties though not members of the forum maintain good relations and have been integrated with the members who are currently in government:

List of Official Members

Country  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foro_de_São_Paulo#Name  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foro_de_São_Paulo#Government  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foro_de_São_Paulo#
 ArgentinaCommunist Party of Argentinain opposition
 BarbadosClement Payne Movementno representation
Communist Party of Boliviasupportive of govt.
Movement for Socialismin government
Workers' Party
Communist Party of Brazil
in government
Brazilian Communist Partyin opposition
Communist Party of Chilein opposition
Socialist Party of Chilesenior party in coalition cabinet
Alternative Democratic Polein opposition
Colombian Communist Partyin opposition
National Liberation Army
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
no representation
 Costa RicaCosta Rican Peoples Partyin opposition
 CubaCommunist Party of Cubain government
 DominicaDominica Labour Partyin government
 Dominican RepublicDominican Liberation Partyin government
 El SalvadorFarabundo Martí National Liberation Frontin government
 GuatemalaGuatemalan National Revolutionary Unityin opposition
 GuyanaWorking People's Alliancein opposition
 MexicoParty of the Democratic Revolution
Labor Party
Popular Socialist Party
in opposition
 NicaraguaSandinista National Liberation Frontin government
 ParaguayAuthentic Radical Liberal Partysenior party in coalition cabinet
Paraguayan Communist Partyin opposition
 PeruPeruvian Communist Party
Socialist Party of Peru
in opposition
 Puerto RicoPuerto Rican Nationalist Party
Socialist Front
Hostosian National Independence Movement
University Pro-Independence Federation of Puerto Rico
no representation
 UruguayBroad Frontin government
 VenezuelaUnited Socialist Party of Venezuelain government

Promueve la diversidad dentro de nuestra propia comunidad hispana en cualquier lugar de EE.UU. / Promote diversity even among our own Hispanic Community anywhere in the USA.

Posts: 76
Reply with quote  #3 

Lupe Williams, one of our readers asked: - “Have you heard of “El Foro de Sao Paulo”?   USA Must pay attention to this organization that is planting its roots in San Francisco.

MercoHispano: Here is one version on the "Foro de Saõ Paulo."


Lula and the Foro de Saõ Paulo


Alek Boyd interviews Brazilian journalist Olavo de Carvalho:
Olavo de Carvalho explains Lula and the Sao Paulo Forum

—Could you expand a bit on the sort of organization the FSP is, and the democratic credentials of some of its members?

The São Paulo Forum was created by Lula and discussed with Fidel Castro by the end of 1989, being founded in the following year under the presidency of Lula, who remained in the leadership of that institution for twelve years, nominally relinquishing it in order to take office as president of Brazil in 2003. The organization’s goal was to rebuild the Communist movement, shaken by the fall of the URSS. “To reconquer in Latin America all that we lost in the European East” was the goal proclaimed at the institution’s fourth annual assembly. The means to achieve it consisted in promoting the union and integration of all Communist and pro-Communist parties and movements of Latin America, and in developing new strategies, more flexible and better camouflaged, for the conquest of power. Practically, since the middle of the 1990’s, there has been no left-wing party or entity that has not been affiliated with the São Paulo Forum, signing and following its resolutions and participating in the intense activity of the “work groups” that hold meetings almost every month in many capital cities of Latin America. The Forum has its own review, America Libre (Free America), a publishing house, as well as an extensive network of websites prudently coordinated from Spain. It also exercises unofficial control over infinity of printed and electronic publications. The speed and efficacy with which its decisions are transmitted to the whole continent can be measured by its ongoing success in covering up its own existence, over at least sixteen years. Brazil’s journalistic class is massively leftist, and even the professionals who are not involved in any form of militancy would feel reluctant to oppose the instructions that the majority receives.

The Forum’s body of members is composed of both lawful parties, as the Brazilian Worker’s Party itself, and criminal organizations of kidnappers and drug traffickers, as the Chilean MIR (Movimiento de la Izquierda Revolucionaria) and the FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia). The first is responsible for an infinity of kidnappings, including those of two famous Brazilian businessmen; the latter is practically the exclusive controller of the cocaine market in Latin America nowadays. All of these organizations take part in the Forum on equal conditions, which makes it possible that, when agents of a criminal organization are arrested in a country, lawful entities can immediately mobilize themselves to succour them, promoting demonstrations and launching petition campaigns calling for their liberation. Sometimes the protection that lawful organizations give to their criminal partners goes even further, as it happened, for example, when the governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Olívio Dutra, an important member of the Workers’ Party, hosted a FARC commander as a guest of state; or when the Lula administration granted political asylum to the agent of connection between the FARC and the Workers’ Party, Olivério Medina, and a public office to his wife. Sometime before, Medina had confessed to having brought an illegal contribution of $5 million for Lula’s presidential campaign.

The rosy picture of Brazil that has been painted abroad is in stark contrast with the fact that from 40,000 to 50,000 Brazilians are murdered each year, according to the UN’s own findings. Most of those crimes are connected with drug trafficking. Federal Court Judge Odilon de Oliveira has found out conclusive proofs that the FARC provides weaponry, technical support, and money for the biggest local criminal organizations, as, for instance, the PCC (Primeiro Comando da Capital), which rules over entire cities and keeps their population subjected to a terror regime. Just as I foretold after the first election of Lula to the presidency in 2002, the federal administration, since then, has done nothing to stop this murderous violence, for any initiative on the government’s part in that sense would go against the FARC’s interest and would turn, in a split second, the whole São Paulo Forum against the Brazilian government. In face of the slaughter of Brazilians, which is more or less equivalent to the death toll of one Iraq war per year, Lula has kept strictly faithful to the commitment of support and solidarity he made to the FARC as president of the São Paulo Forum in 2001.

—Why do you think worldwide media didn’t pick up on the fact that Lula’s presidential campaign was illegally funded, to the tune of $3 million, by Fidel Castro, as exposed by Veja?

In face of facts like these, it is always recommendable to take into account the concentration of the ownership of the means of world communication, which has happened over the last decades, as it has been described by reporter Daniel Estulin in his book about the Bilderberg group. Even the more distracted readers have not failed to notice how the opinion of the dominant world media has become uniform in the last decades, being nowadays difficult to perceive any difference between, say, Le Figaro and L’Humanité concerning essential issues, as, for example, “global warming,” or the advancement of new leaderships aligned with the project for a world government, as, for example, Lula or Obama. Never as today has it been so easy and so fast to create an impression of spontaneous unanimity. And since the CFR proclaims that the São Paulo Forum does not exist, nothing could be more logical than to expect that the São Paulo Forum disappears from the news.

To read the entire interview, click on the link below:
Olavo de Carvalho explains Lula and the Sao Paulo Forum

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